Monday, April 2, 2012

Week #12: Revolution 2.0/Chapters 6-8


This assignment is due by Monday, April 9 at NOON. No exceptions for late assignments, except by permission of Dr. Williams.

Please read and blog THREE specific observations from Chapters 6-8. THREE SPECIFIC observations for EACH chapter. What do you learn about Egypt, social media, and grassroots activism?

13 comments:

  1. Chapter 6

    The flier that Ghonim compiled of information about Jan25 is shown in the book to have 506,871 views - that is an incredible number of people to reach with just one post, and explains how the revolution movement spread so fast.

    Ghonim writes that "Rasd had to be a source of information and not a source of analysis of bias. It is important to make these distinctions when creating any kind of organization on the web, because many people have a hard time making correct judgments on the validity of of information when they are not properly educated about it. If a page has a reputation one way or another, it helps people distinguish between fact and opinion.

    The success of Jan25 is proof that a virtual revolution can transform into a real one if the right actions are taken to promote action in the real world. Only with our access to media today can something so huge and important come to fruition from a Facebook page.

    Chapter 7

    A large portion of this chapter is dedicated to Ghonim's arrest, imprisonment, and interrogation. Although the officers did not believe most of what he told them, I was surprised that they engaged in intellectual conversation with him.

    It is ironic that the shutdown of all communication only provoked the revolution - technology is such an important part of daily life that when it is absent, everyone takes notice.

    Mubarak's response to the protests further exemplifies what can be accomplished when hundreds of thousands of people act for a cause. Although, as Ghonim notes, Mubarak's actions were not enough, it is still significant that he acted at all.

    Chapter 8

    Ghonim writes, "The revolution brought out the best in people." Even if the revolution had not succeeded, I think it still would have changed the way Egyptians related to each other, because it united people from every walk of life.

    After a call for a million man march, Mubarak made another speech, stating that he would not run in the next election, and also made an emotional appeal. Again, even though he did not step down, this further shows the effectiveness of the revolution.

    Social media became a critical source of news on the revolution. Ghonim writes that the Rasd page became one of the major news sources for the Egyptian Revolution.

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  2. Chapter 6:
    -Some very sad statistics: In 2009, 100,000 Egyptians attempted suicide which could have to do with the 2.5 million living in extreme poverty. Egypt has the highest rate of newborn deaths in the world (50 out of 1,000 newborns die). These unfortunate facts were some of the reasons Ghonim listed on the Facebook page for the January 25th invitation to protest. From reading these statistics, Egypt appears to be very sad place to live and unfortunately it looks like there is a lot of damage that needs to be undone.

    -There were a few different results that the January 25th protest was aiming to achieve: The first demand was for the Egyptian government to address poverty problems, specifically education, health care, and to support unemployed university graduates who can't find a job for a limited time. Another demand was for much better moderation of police stations regarding illegal arrests of those in opposing political parties for no reason and routine torture practices that the police take part in. The 3rd demand was to fire the Minister of Interior Habib el-Adly because his lack of focus on security led to terrorist attacks as well as police crime. The final demand was to put a two-term limit on presidency because as Ghonim says, “Absolute power corrupts.”

    -Ghonim says the most important task of the protest was “to stress the next days guildlines: that the protest was to be peaceful, chants were to be unified, and people were to refrain from promoting political parties or groups.” The protest was aiming to confront the Egyptian government and given that the protest alone would be extremely controversial and to a certain extent crazy, there was no room left for any other problems to take place.

    Chapter 7:
    -The media, both state owned news coverage and privately owned Egyptian television channels were particularly biased against the protesting. State Security officials had created a media campaign to shift the Egyptian publics opinion of the protests. The media selected specific information to make the protesters appear criminal, like telling the public that soldiers had been injured but leaving out that many protesters had gotten hurt, too.

    -Ghonim states that on the morning of January 28, “the Egyptian regime committed a fatal mistake.” The government cut off all communication which resulted in massive ammounts of people going out on the streets if only to figure out why the couldn’t text.

    -The January 28 protest was extremely successful and instigated Mubarak to abolish his cabinet, including the minister of interior. Mubarak had resisted taking action up until this point. This is very inspiring to me. Sometimes it seems kind of impossible to instigate change and this proves that with a huge amount of work and commitment it is doable.

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  3. Chapter 8:
    -The aftermath of the protest was complete chaos: by January 29th, more than fifteen protesters were killed, some tried to break into the Ministry of Interiors building, thousands of inmates broke out of prison. The governments “understanding” of the situation was that the local opposition forces and foreign powers had plotted to free prisoners. But Ghonim explains, “it was in fact a tactic employed by the regime itself in order to create chaos in the nation and then lead public opinion to blame protesters for it.”

    -January 31st, a call was issued for a million-man march the next day to pressure Mubarak to resign. Authorities shut down railroads to keep people from other parts of the country from attending the march. Muslim and Christian religious groups were openly unsupportive of the march as they were probably under the influence of the regime.

    - In preparation for the million-man march, activists demanded a formal announcement from the army regarding how they would handle on going events. They asked if they would continue to support a dishonest president or if they would support the masses that were simply fighting for their rights. Amazingly, the army responded with obvious support for the protesters. Ghonim says, “Their leaders said they understood the legitimate demands of the people and would protect the people’s right to peaceful demonstration…It was a signal moment in the revolution: there would be no bloodbath at the hands of the army.”

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  4. CH 6

    -As soon as Ghonim got through security, he uploaded a file to Google Docs which others spread through the social media landscape. The file gave people and introduction to the January 25th Protest why they were taking place, who called them, etc.

    -Ghonim used unifying language which helped to bring in the majority of those that were not members of political parties “the call was spontaneous and not planned by any political or popular force… The facebook page is not influenced by any political party…It is independent and does not support any person or specific ideology. It belongs to all Egyptians who wish to defend their rights. The page is managed through its member volunteers, and this is the secret to its success.” Ghonim’s message is both inclusive and empowering. It shows that ordinary people can make a difference without being long time political activists.

    -Ghonim uses Mubarak’s own words against him. Mubarak gave a speech urging people to stop “transgressors” and not remain passive. The most effective weapon against a totalitarian arbitrary authority is their own hypocritical words.

    CH 7

    -Videos and pictures have tremendous power in shaping political ideas. Many videos went viral on Jan 25 including two protestors who stood in front of an armored truck and redirected the fire hose in the air. The spread of images on facebook was rapid fire and helped to inspire others to oppose the regime.

    -Unfortunately, the tv and print media distorted the protests. Claiming the protestors were attacking police and were driven by foreign interests trying to stir chaos in Egypt. Some outlets ignored the protests altogether and almost all refused to report on the brutal crackdown’s by police.

    -Ghonim was warned by other online activists and tried to take precautions, but ended up being captured by security forces. He was brutally tortured and accused of being a traitor to his country. Ghonim struggled for days in the prison with only the moments of prayer as a time when he could get some peace.

    CH 8

    -Ghonim speaks about how people in Tahrir square came together and supported each other building a little society within the square on their own. Doctors built makeshift emergency rooms to fix up injured protesters, plumbers created bathrooms, singers and artists entertained, everyone did their part to keep the epicenter of the revolution running. The square and the energy of the revolution was able to keep running because although the protesters were of many different backgrounds and religions, they shared a strong belief in the need to replace Mubarak with democracy and freedom.

    -While in prison, the guards tried to get Ghonim’s facebook and email passwords. Ghonim was lucky enough that a friend was able to change his email password, saving countless Egyptian activists from arrest and torture or worse. The guards were able to get into his facebook account, but decided not to change the Kullena Khaled Said page. Perhaps they sensed that any attempts to influence the facebook page would backfire. As Princess Leia said in A New Hope “the more you tighten your grip, the more star systems will slip through your fingers.” The Egyptian protesters likely had reached enough of a critical mass where no amount of repression by the state could stop them until Mubarak resigned. Maybe the old forces of the regime will make a comeback. With Mubarak’s former intelligence chief, Omar Suleiman, running for president of Egypt this year, it isn’t out of the question. The movement of the people may have been calmed and divided sufficiently for the NDP to retake power 1 year after Mubarak left town.

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  5. Chapter 6

    January 25th, the day Ghonim and others have planned for their largest rally yet, is fast approaching and Ghonim has to step up his organizing to attempt to maintain order amongst the multitudes supporting him. This detached ability to coordinated, enabled by Facebook and mobile devices, is a testament to the power of technology. It also is worth noting Ghonim’s own moderate stance and skills at dealing with so many opinions; it’s not simply the technology that brought about this revolution, but a combination of the technological tools and human will power.

    Amr Salama’s story, told through a post on the Facebook page, details his beating and abuse at the hands of the police force. In attempting to keep protestors for grouping up, police formed a line which protestors attempted to break by rushing through it. Amr said it best: “My dear iPhone was in hand, and I tried to video all of this”. Every member is connected, all the technology is to everyone and it allows each individual injustice to be documented and seen by everyone.

    As January 25th nears, Egypt’s controlling government blocks Facebook and Twitter, forcing savvy Internet users to use proxy’s to get on the sites. These small tactics are telling of the root of the problem: Egypt’s government knows it is not serving these people and because of the technology the people are able to communicate their concerns to each other, rather than the deaf ear of the leadership. That the government would attempt to remove these outlets of communication proves the government is not working for the people, but to control the people.

    Chapter 7

    The January 25th protest appears to have been a success, with massive turnout and a deluge of video and pictures being uploaded and shared. In the wake of this, the state begins its own media campaign, employing the media outlets to spread misinformation. This is the flip side to Ghonim’s efforts: while he uses the web to mobilize his base of supporters, the regime uses the web to create uncertainty and doubt about the cause. The great strength and danger of the web is its openness.

    Ghonim is abducted by State Security officers while in Egypt and detained so they might learn more about his efforts to undermine the regime. In this haunting segment, Ghonim describes the moderate abuse and psychological torment they put him through. This just shows how much control the government has, that they can hold a person like Ghonim, without charging him, for nearly two weeks, just to drill him for information.

    The Security forces who detain Ghonim attempt to paint him as a traitor, working for foreign concerns that would diminish the Egyptian government. This is odd to me, as all the things Ghonim is, he is not at all acting with foreign interests. But the information exists to support their lie, which seems to be the method the regime takes when dealing with agitators; grasp onto a story that seems likely to fit and run with it.

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  6. Chapter 8

    Blind-folded and handcuffed, unable to shower or even see his captors; Ghonim remains incarcerated while his revolution begins to take shape on the streets. It’s ironic that he misses the first major public steps of the revolution, but it seems typical of the method the government employs in dealing with dissent: remove the dissenter and hope that silencing their voice will quiet the dissent.

    With the precautions Ghonim took to maintain the Facebook page and protect his personal contacts, the website is able to continue the work he began. This seems like the typical method for the Internet generation; thanks to the connections the Internet allows, there need not be a single body of leadership. Anyone dedicated to the cause and capable of navigating Facebook can potentially be a leader. This idea of leaderless movements seems to have spread throughout the Internet, as we can clearly see in the USA with the Occupy protests.

    Ghonim’s imprisonment reveals the humanity of the people he opposes. By the end of his experience, he has a respect for his captors, understands that most of them are simply doing their jobs. Ghonim probably already understood this in concept, but seeing it firsthand must have impacted him, given him perspective. While it was horrible for him, the experience in an Egyptian cell seems like it had a positive effect on Ghonim, reinforcing the importance of the cause and proving that the movement would continue even without him.

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  7. Chapter 6

    Leading up to the January 25th protests Ghonim had spent most of his time crating a spot for Egyptian citizens to come together and organize around the cause. In the last couple of days before the protest, Ghonim switched his focus to making sure that site and its information would still function and be available if something happened to him. This preparation for the anticipated government response was a key in making sure the protests could move ahead without Ghonim.

    This preparation was especially critical when the Egyptian government shutdown Facebook and twitter in an attempt to stop the protests. Ghonim’s protest “manifesto” in which he laid out the reasons behind the protests was posted to Google docs, allowing people to find it and distribute to people even while Facebook was shutdown.

    Though initially worried that not a lot of people would participate, hundreds of thousands did show up to protest, meaning Ghonim’s hard work paid off. His ability to translate online activity to on the ground activity shows the potential that grassroots organizing has.

    Chapter 7

    The January 25th protests were successful with a large turnout and many videos posted online that helped to create support for the movement throughout the world. This media certainly influenced people in the United States and show the upside that online organizing can have.

    The State did answer back. They created their own media campaign smearing the protesters as agitators who were supported by foreign interests. This shows the main battle that faces grassroots organizing and people made media, how can they fight mainstream media coverage that is going to support the status quo?

    Ghonim is disappeared by State Security forces while he is in Egypt, they torture him in hopes of finding out about his involvement in the movement. His brutal treatment while being detained shows how far a repressive regime with go to try and silence, the leading dissenting voices.

    Chapter 8-

    All the precautions that Ghonim took before the January 25th protests begin to pay off, while he is imprisoned because even with the information they got from him they couldn’t shut down his website or arrest other activists who helped him create the movement.

    It is also during this chapter that we discover the key to a successful revolution especially in Egypt. With calls for more protests that would ideally force Mubarek to step down, he called in the military to stop the protestors. Instead of putting down the movement, the Army supported it and defended the people rather than the government.

    I found it interesting that even through his brutal detainment, Ghonim was able to still able to find a certain respect for the State Security forces. He understood that they were basically just doing their job. He was imprisoned during the early days of the revolution and it must have also been uplifting to discover that it continued without him. He had been successfully in creating a platform that would lift up all Egyptians to be the change they want to see.

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  9. With one post, this guy had 500,000 views. Personally, I'd be happy to have five on one of my posts. I guess I need to be a fundamental part of a middle eastern revolution in the near future.

    Moving to Google Docs when The government shut down Facebook and Twitter was a smooth move on Ghonim's part. It reminds me of the revolution in Libya, where everything was shutdown except for a few sites, on of them being a site I frequent, Redvsblue.com, where a user from Libya, named madmanmoe on the site, continued to post updates on the revolution, keeping us all informed. There were times where we'd hear nothing for days, then suddenly he's reappear, telling us of his harrowing adventures.

    Finally, it's nice to see the tactic of using an opponent's words against him used in a more useful manner than on political commercials. Pointing out hypocrisy on the highest level serves a cause better than most traditional tactics.

    Chapter 7 shows that Ghonim's hard work is starting to really pay off. This is proven by the response of the government, attempting to smear the protestors as traitors and agitators. It's a classic oppression move, and I'm kind of disappointed in the State. They never are as smart as we all think they are.

    In another classic 'we-don't-know-what-to-do' move, they kidnap Ghonim, and torture him into telling them how he is involved with the whole movement. Why are goons never creative? Thank god (Allah) he got out of there alive. I'm sure there were many who weren't so lucky.

    Chapter 8 talks about the most profound thing that happened during the revolution in my opinion, which was the Army being called in to quell the protestors, then the Army turning their noses to the State and joining their brethren in the revolution. I wish Libya's army could've done the same.

    They continue to keep him on the inside, while outside, they take a story about him working with foreign interests and run the shit out of it, attempting to pin him as a traitor and an agitator. Too bad for the State, the people aren't listening to them. Ghonim gives a nod to his captors in the end, however, saying that he doesn't blame them for doing their jobs. I call bullshit on that one. Either he didn't really get tortured, or he doesn't really have respect for them. There's no way, in my opinion, that it can be both.

    The rest of the chapter talks about Ghonim's incarceration, and how little respect his captors had for the responses he gave. Again, there's no way that one can be tortured and then turn around and forgive. Maybe it's because I'm American that I feel this way. I'm not sure. I simply cannot understand it. I'm not Mandela.

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  10. In Chapter 6 Ghonim describes to us the events and nature of January 25th- his planned protest- through his personal experience and the experience of other participants. Most importantly this chapter shows the many roles that the internet’s tools played. “Kullena Khulad Said,” Ghonim’s facebook page acted as an instigator, as an encourager, and as a passionate forum for the Egyptians and supporters. Although January 25th was Ghonim’s idea, he worked with other facebook page and website administrators (political activists) to spread the word and help make the revolution the Egyptian people’s revolution- all inclusive. Shortly before the event, Ghonim suggested that Rasd create a neutral webpage dedicated to informing the people of the happenings in a more journalistic manner- documenting and publishing the event with as little bias and analysis as possible. Ghonim used Google Docs to publish and distribute guidelines for protesters. People updated one another throughout the event with Tweets etc. etc. So because of the internet, Egyptians were able to organize a time and place for protest, they were able to rally support, to share a code of ethics, to stay informed during the event, to warn one another about dangers, and most importantly to share their experience, strength and hope with one another in pursuit of peaceful liberation. They were able to communicate. This all reminds me of Dewey and his theory that if people are able to communicate freely, they naturally move toward a state of democracy. Hmmm…

    In regards to social media vs. consumer media, Ghonim describes in Chapter 7 how the public and private television and print media distorted the events and motives of January 25th. While people were sharing their personal experiences online (with photos, videos, updates etc. which by the way were hitting the limbic brain pretty f’in hard I’m sure), the regime obviously had a strong handle on what information was provided on television an attempt to discourage protestors and other supporters of the revolution. As we have seen throughout history, people in power use media as their greatest tool in controlling the masses and in this case even to the point of shutting down facebook, twitter and eventually all internet access. This situation makes evident that in critical times like these, social media can be much stronger than traditional media and that poses a huge threat to people in power. One of the most interesting components to this particular case is that Ghonim was suspected of working against Egypt for foreign benefit. It seems almost as if the regime had such a hold on the Egyptians that it wouldn’t even suspect that its own people could organize a revolution like this on their own free will. Perhaps in the past that was the case but with the strength and spread of social media, the power is returning to the people.

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  11. In chapter 8 Ghonim discusses his experience as a detainee of state security alongside a brief overview of the outside protests, Mubarak’s speeches, his family’s concern and the media coverage- a packed chapter! My first reaction is great sympathy for Ghonim in that so much of the protesting that he spent so much time and effort into organizing occurred while he was blindfolded in a prison cell questioning his survival. Having read the Shallows, my thinking immediately goes to “his internet withdrawals must have been terrible”- to go from constant input and interaction and access and excitement to complete darkness and zero control even of his own body would have to be a shock to the system, not to mention he was harassed and beaten by state security. Throughout this book, time and time again, we are shown the ways people can communicate, unite and work together by using the internet and in this chapter Ghonim experiences the benefits of this network on a truly personal, life-or-death level. Fortunately, with the careful moves of his friends and partners, his email is protected along with the identities of thousands of Egyptian supporters. The best part of it all is that Angry Birds made it possible.

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  12. i don't know how to edit these things but The Shallows should be itallicized : )

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  13. Chapter 6

    Another protest was being planned for Jan 25 and this was unknowingly going to be their deepest yet. Wael still had wanted this to be peaceful and powerful, but there were a lot of things that the protesters were fighting for. They wanted the government to finding better alternatives for the poverty problems, including healthcare, education, etc.; for the police stations to chill out against people with opposing political views; to fire the Minister of Interior because of his lack of involvement; and to make the presidency a two-term limit. The fourth demand is arguably the most important. The protests that lead up to the square were successful, in that someone of a higher authority gave them permission. They were able to stay there until 9pm, and that's when things turned for the worse. There was a planned sit in, that was supposed to last all night, but police enforcement was ordered to keep them out. They used beating, tear gas, and other torture methods to do so. This is where the protest "failed," but they had to keep a positive state of mind, saying "Jan25 is not the end...It is the beginning of the end."

    Chapter 7

    The majority of this chapter was spent discussing Wael's time while he was in prison. When he was first captured, he was very concerned about his life. He really didn't know if he was going to live through that experience. After he was inevitably beaten, he was brought to an interrogation room. They questioned him about his role on the "We Are All Khaled Said" page, and his connections with other people. The police officers believed that he was part of a conspiracy and sent there using Google as a cover up. While Wael was in prison, big movements were happening outside. With all of the protests and reactions by security, it resulted in many injuries and fatalities from shootings and the polices forces left where they were stationed when they were all set on fire. With all of these horrible riots happening on the streets, the president made his first speech in response to everything that happened. He abolished the cabinet, which included Habib el-Adly, the minister of interior. Even though it wasn't what they wanted, it was a start, and "although these decisions weren't enough, many protesters saw them as a confirmation that they would actually achieve their goal: 'The people want to topple the regime'"

    Chapter 8

    In the beginning, it showed what Ghonim continued to go through while still held in prison. He was kept handcuffed and blindfolded at all times, and didn't know where he was. The only sense of time he had was through the daily scheduled prayers. He knew there were intense things happening outside because of the protests, but he didn't know exactly what was happening. When he tried to listen to the tv through the ceiling of his room, he was punished because he broke the rule of not minding his own business. He was there for several days, with multiple interrogations, each of them being progressively nicer. There was one "good cop" who helped him out and let him shower. Wael at the end before he was released requested to see the officer. He wanted to meet him, and eventually they did. What was going on outside of the prison was very deep too. During all of the protests, many people were killed, including many police officers too. Wael made it clear how he felt the policemen. It's not them who he, or the public is mad at, it's the authority that corrupted them into having the mentality they did. The president made a speech that he was not going to re-elect himself during the next term, and the and the supporters of the protests were ecstatic with the results, but then came in a crew of supporters for the president. Protests and riots got wild, then the killings happened. The blame is put on Wael, but it is obvious that it was not done with bad intentions.

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